Looting on 17 October 2026 draws attention to "casseurs"

The scenes of looting that occurred on 17 October 2026 have brought the term "casseurs" (vandals) into the media spotlight. However, the use of this term raises more questions than it answers. Sociologist Paolo Stuppia discusses the unprecedented situation faced by various cities across France, where movements combine the mobility of groups with unclear motivations and the extreme agility of social networks.

Scale of looting may be new but not politically driven

The Conversation asked whether the looting scenes on 17 October were unprecedented. Stuppia noted that the scale of private property destruction and theft of goods may be new, but not all those who looted were necessarily part of identifiable political groups. He referenced a 2021 collective work by political scientist Xavier Crettiez, sociologist Isabelle Sommier, and historian François Audigier titled Violences politiques en France, which discusses how targets of politically attributed violent actions can be determined by technical constraints and militant culture.

Historical precedents for looting and reappropriation

Stuppia mentioned that in 1970s Italy, autonomist militants spoke of "autoréduction" (the act of reappropriating a good or service deemed essential), and French Maoists spoke of "proletarian reappropriation," with the most famous example being the 1970 raid on the Fauchon delicatessen in Place de la Madeleine, where goods were redistributed to shantytowns and workers' homes.

Looting may not have clear political motives

However, the looting on 17 October does not necessarily have a political meaning, according to Stuppia. Videos posted on social media and the resale of some goods online seem to contradict this view. Yet, certain targets were chosen deliberately, such as symbols of capitalism, including luxury stores, insurance companies, banks, and multinational corporations. There were also instances of smaller, more localized shops, such as toy and video game stores, which are rarely targeted in such actions.

Social media and the profiles of "casseurs"

Regarding the profiles of "casseurs," Stuppia noted that the first academic study on the phenomenon was conducted by sociologist Gwenola Ricordeau in the 1990s, during the 1998 student and high school protests. She observed that young people came to protests to commit acts of vandalism or to rob people without sharing the movement's demands. They came out of opportunism and to challenge the monotony of daily life.

The term "casseur" and its historical context

The term "casseur" has historically been used in media to disqualify individuals, often associated with the "lumpenproletariat" of young people who attack law enforcement, private property, and public services. This term, alongside "racaille" (riffraff), has been used to stigmatize a "dangerous youth." The term also appears in the context of autonomous movements, where actions of destruction and violence against property or people are sometimes claimed. These movements often claim the stigma of "casseur" to turn it back on the system, sometimes with self-deprecation.

Public perception and the "We are all vandals" banner

During the 2006 protests against the CPE (First Employment Contract), tensions arose between those who said "We are not vandals" and those who claimed "They – the government, the patronage – are the vandals." In this context, a banner appeared in Rennes that read "We are all vandals," suggesting an acceptance of a term historically vague, covering different realities, regularly invoked by the media in social movements over the past thirty years.

Social media's role in organizing protests

The term "casseur" is similar to "black bloc" – it refers to a technique that is disqualifying and causes concern among parts of the public, but the designation is vague and easily manipulated. Regarding the impact of social networks on law enforcement, Stuppia noted a clear difference between structured movements and the more spontaneous use of social networks by young people to stage themselves, such as filming themselves wearing football jerseys while leaving stores near the Place de la République.

Challenges for law enforcement in monitoring protests

He highlighted the agility of a new generation on digital platforms, with tools like Snapchat and Telegram, which are designed to reduce control and feature ephemeral content. The challenge for law enforcement is adapting to these new uses of social media, including real-time support for protesters through mobile, confidential networks. The rapid exchange of information on multiple levels, including public and private rooms and groups, makes real-time monitoring difficult. The disappearance of messages on platforms like Snapchat, combined with user profiles that have scores based on activity, makes infiltration challenging.

Agility of social networks and the difficulty of control

The combination of extreme agility enabled by social networks and the mobility of protesters is very difficult to control. Stuppia referenced the youth movements in Hong Kong in 2019-2020, which were difficult for authorities to manage despite the presence of an authoritarian government. He also mentioned the possibility of a delay in intelligence and the need for a parliamentary investigation to determine the extent of this issue.