In Europe, larger countries often avoid the strict economic scrutiny imposed by Brussels, while smaller or less influential nations face harsher consequences. France, for example, has consistently increased its budget deficit and national debt without facing significant reprimands. In contrast, Greece endured severe austerity measures in 2010, which devastated its economy and left lasting scars. Despite this inequality, Greek citizens no longer express the same level of outrage, exhausted by years of crisis that have drained political energy and alternative perspectives. Greece was in a far worse economic condition than France at the time, with a massive debt and misleading public accounts. Yet, despite the injustice, there is little visible anger in Athens toward Brussels or Paris. Yannis, a 34-year-old financial accountant, reflects on the lack of political debate, saying, "Otherwise we will end up with an ulcer," with a bitter smile. When discussing France or proposals for debt forgiveness, he reacts with visible frustration but quickly returns to calm: "The worst is that it's no longer surprising only for you, it passes." This disparity in treatment is rooted in history. In the early 2000s, France and Germany also violated EU budget rules but avoided sanctions through political alliances. Greek officials had tried to use this precedent in 2010 to seek leniency, but with little success. The austerity measures imposed on Greece were severe: a 22% drop in minimum wage, 30% for civil servants, a 24% VAT increase, and reduced pensions. These policies left the economy in ruins, and despite efforts to recover, Greece remains the only EU country with a GDP still below 2008 levels. Public debt, though reduced, remains the highest in the EU. Greeks feel they are treated as a peripheral nation, with no real power to influence decisions in Brussels. "They will never sanction France like us," says Eleni, a waitress. "We are used to being screwed." While the idea of debt cancellation is unlikely to gain support from EU authorities, simply discussing it can shift the boundaries of what is considered acceptable in political discourse. Years of crisis have weakened Greek political parties, leaving them unable to build a strong opposition to European policies. Instead of focusing on external issues, Greeks are consumed by internal struggles. "Greece is too crushed by its internal problems to look at what is happening elsewhere," says one observer. For many, the situation is like football: when your team is struggling, you don't look at the top of the league. Even if others benefit from leniency, it doesn’t change your fate. The irony is cruel for Greece, as Spain, another southern European country, faced economic turmoil in 2012 but was relatively spared by Brussels. Today, Spain shows strong economic growth, highlighting the EU's tendency to forgive rather than punish. Yet, Greeks find solace in the idea that their suffering may have helped others. "If our sacrifice prevented others, at least it was not completely in vain," says Yannis, who now seems more resigned than angry. For many Greeks, life since 2010 has felt like being under general anesthesia, where anger is a sign of being alive.