In his new book, Racisme environnemental, penser la convergence depuis la lutte contre l'antitsiganisme, William Acker, a lawyer and general delegate of the National Association of Traveling Citizens (ANGVC), explores the challenges faced by traveling communities in reception areas—temporary or semi-permanent spaces where people without a fixed residence can stay. These areas are often located in undesirable locations, such as near polluting industries or dangerous facilities. Acker highlights the 2019 Lubrizol factory fires in Rouen and Petit-Quevilly (Seine-Maritime), where residents of reception areas were not evacuated despite being exposed to toxic smoke. This event drew attention to the often hazardous living conditions in these areas, a topic Acker has worked to map across France. Reception areas are typically parking lots or other spaces not designed for long-term living. Many are poorly maintained, with little green space and surrounded by concrete, leading to the creation of urban heat islands that exacerbate the effects of climate change. Traveling people face additional challenges, such as difficulty in obtaining home insurance, and when disasters strike, they often lose their homes without any compensation. A 2024 study by Santé publique France found that the life expectancy of traveling people is 10 to 15 years lower than the national average, a gap similar to that of homeless individuals. Health issues are common, including respiratory problems, skin diseases, hypertension, diabetes, and childhood obesity. Acker created 1,358 detailed maps of reception areas across France, revealing their proximity to polluted zones and their placement at the edges of towns, often near landfills, sewage treatment plants, and factories. These locations reflect a pattern of urban planning that places marginalized communities in areas considered less valuable or more dangerous. Reception areas are also frequently found near facilities associated with stigmatized groups, such as administrative detention centers or mosques, reinforcing the idea of exclusion and social segregation. The Lubrizol factory incident brought widespread attention to these issues, but organizations like the Collective of Women of Hellemmes-Ronchin had already been fighting similar problems for years. The movement that emerged from Lubrizol helped shape political discourse, popularizing the term "environmental racism." Despite this, it took nearly seven years of media and political pressure to relocate the inhabitants of the Petit-Quevilly reception area. Acker argues that antitsiganism—prejudice against traveling people—contributes to their exposure to pollution and that the placement of reception areas exemplifies environmental racism. In France, where race is not officially recognized in legal terms, these issues are difficult to address directly. Acker suggests that the concept of environmental racism helps traveling communities frame their struggles within broader antiracist and ecological movements, highlighting systemic discrimination and advocating for change.