Japan is at a major turning point in its contemporary history, according to Asialyst and Marianne Péron-Doise, a research director at the IRIS. The debate centered on the profound evolution of Japan's defense policy and the reconfiguration of political alliances in the Asia-Pacific region. The event was organized by the France-Japan Press Association, founded in 1963 by Robert Ghislain, which brings together French journalists interested in Japan and their Japanese counterparts stationed in France or Europe. The association organizes Franco-Japanese conferences and seminars where current issues are discussed. Since 1977, it has annually awarded scholarships to journalism students or young journalists through the Robert Guillain Reporter in Japan prize. The APFJ was represented at the September 25 debate by Mathieu Rocher. Korehito Masuda, director of the House of Japan at the Cité Universitaire, a former diplomat, participated in the debate. Marianne Péron-Doise is a research director at the Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies (IRIS). She is also director of the Asia-Pacific Geopolitical Observatory. She began her career as an officer in the French navy and was a researcher at the Strategic Research Institute of the Military Academy and head of the Asia-Pacific Department at the Ministry of Defense. Her latest book, published in April 2026, is titled Geopolitics of the Seas and Oceans by Le Cavalier bleu. Pierre-Antoine Donnet carried out the majority of his journalism career at AFP, holding positions of correspondent or leadership abroad, in Japan, the Middle East, the United States, Poland, and China during the period 1984-1989. Pierre-Antoine is editor-in-chief of Asia Magazine and Asialyst. He has published a dozen books largely devoted to China, as well as to Tibet, Taiwan, and Japan. His latest book, China, the Defeat of the West, was published in September 2026 by l'Aube. Hubert Testard, editor-in-chief of Asialyst, moderated the debate. Pierre-Antoine Donnet introduced the debate with a brief recall of Japan's military history, starting with the date of May 28, 1905, which is the date of the Battle of Tsushima during the early twentieth century Russo-Japanese War. It symbolized for the first time a severe "defeat of the whites." Russia had to cede in the Treaty of Portsmouth, signed in September 1905, half of the island of Sakhalin, its rights on the Chinese province of Liaodong (including Port Arthur), and its interests in Korea. The term "Fukoku kyōhei" (富国強兵) translates to "a prosperous country, a strong army." "Kàngrì zhànzhēng" (抗日战争) is a Chinese term meaning "war of resistance against Japan," and the "Seisen" (聖戦) or "holy war" used by the Japanese. A colonial phraseology that translates the military's takeover of civilian government forces in the name of the Emperor and the national religion, Shinto. The expansionist ambitions of the military had no geographical limits, and their favorite slogan became "Hakkō ichiu" (八紘一宇), which means "the eight parts of the world under one roof." The Japanese, as a superior race, were to bring modernization and civilization to the Asia-Pacific. "Renunciation of war as a sovereign right of the nation." A renunciation to which many Japanese are still attached. One cannot therefore, contrary to what Chinese authorities say, speak today of a resurgence of Japanese militarism. Marianne Péron-Doise explained that Article 9 of the Japanese constitution is very important because it limits Japan to a single right to self-defense. After World War II, the country relied on the protection of the United States through the mutual security treaty, which provides for the deployment of U.S. military forces on its territory. Today, 55,000 American soldiers are present on national soil, with major equipment such as a permanently deployed aircraft carrier at the Yokosuka naval base, and strategic bombers. The deployment is mainly concentrated in Okinawa, south of Japan, which periodically creates friction with the population. A "rear base" for the U.S. army and to have a sufficient deterrent force to prevent conflicts from spilling onto its territory. The "self-defense forces" develop in a defensive posture. And the process is very gradual because the government prioritizes economic growth. This is the era of the "Yoshida doctrine," named after Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida, in office from 1946 to 1954. This doctrine is based on a strategic compromise consisting of focusing the country's efforts on economic reconstruction while entrusting its defense to the United States. "Burden sharing." Japan will therefore gradually rebuild more effective self-defense forces. It has an industrial base that allows it to build its own equipment, its frigates and its weapon systems. It can also carry out joint research that benefits U.S. military forces by setting up, for example, a high-quality anti-missile defense. If there are warships and the use of force, this could constitute a situation threatening the survival of Japan. "Tomahawk." It sets up joint command structures for better synchronization with U.S. forces, in order to, in case of crisis, be able to react. The 2022 National Defense Strategy (published at the same time as a security strategy and an equipment plan) also provides for the acquisition of drones, and an enhancement of space observation and intelligence capabilities. Japan also feels extremely isolated in the face of the second Trump administration, with an American ally that has become very uncertain, both in terms of the nature of its commitments to the country and the efforts it expects from the Japanese side. It has decided to intensify the measures taken by Fumio Kishida by raising the defense budget level to 3, or even 3.5%, over ten years, as South Korea has done. Pierre-Antoine Donnet, as a specialist on Taiwan, discussed the evolution of Japan's attitude towards the potential conflict with China. He noted that Japanese colonization of Taiwan was very different from the aggression on the Korean peninsula because Taiwan at that time was not a constituted state and therefore the Japanese presence for nearly 50 years in Taiwan did not leave only bad memories. The ties that have been formed are still very strong today. He also mentioned the possible amendment of the Japanese constitution. Is it possible? Is it necessary? Marianne Péron-Doise noted that there was something symbolic in Shinzo Abe's desire to make the self-defense forces constitutional, since Article 9 stated that no armed forces would be established. Therefore, the existence of the self-defense forces has something unconstitutional, or even illegal. This does not prevent the country from having a real army with its air, land, maritime, and space components. An army better and better equipped, with a budget in strong progress.