Scores of foreign companies have been driven out of Cuba this summer due to concerns over new, powerful secondary sanctions targeting the island. These sanctions, which can penalize foreign firms that do business with Cuba, have created an environment of uncertainty and risk. Marco Rubio, the U.S. senator, emphasized in a recent interview with Axios that his strategy against Cuba has no “escape valves,” indicating a firm stance on economic pressure. This approach has sparked a rush among U.S. and Florida-based insiders—ranging from Trump allies and Rubio-connected lobbyists to Cuban exiles—to position themselves for control of key assets in Cuba, should the communist government face a collapse. Since a Trump-era executive order in May 2023 forced Canada’s Sherritt International to exit its nickel and cobalt mining venture in Cuba, two U.S. firms have submitted bids to buy the Canadian company’s stake. Among the contenders is Ray Washburne, a Trump ally and former organizer of the 2016 Republican National Convention, who is in a high-stakes rivalry with Albert Huddleston, a Texas oil magnate with close White House ties. Both are vying for influence over Cuba’s resources, despite the presence of Fortune 500 companies like Citigroup and Office Depot, which have also laid claims to Sherritt’s assets. However, neither Washburne nor a group linked to Huddleston responded to requests for comment. Meanwhile, Australia’s Antilles Gold Ltd, which was blacklisted for its Cuban operations in June, received approval from the Trump administration to transfer its stake in a Cuban copper-gold mine to a New York-based investment fund, Global Emerging Markets. This move highlights how foreign entities are navigating the increasingly complex sanctions landscape. Additionally, executives from the Trump Organization, who previously explored real estate deals in Cuba, have returned under the banner of Dominari Holdings to meet with Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, the grandson of former Cuban leader Raúl Castro. These meetings reportedly aim to explore new opportunities as Spanish hotel chains like Meliá and Iberostar have exited the Cuban market. American investors are not the only ones capitalizing on the situation. Cuban citizens have faced an effective fuel blockade since January 2026, following U.S. actions that cut off oil shipments from Venezuela and Mexico. However, U.S. oil exports to Cuba’s private sector have surged to over $160 million this year, according to reports. Florida-based shipping companies, such as Crowley, which supports Cuban-American lawmakers, appear to benefit from the shift in trade routes caused by sanctions against foreign shippers. At the same time, humanitarian aid organizations like Samaritan’s Purse, led by Trump ally Franklin Graham, have secured large federal contracts to distribute aid in Cuba, despite concerns about their capacity to deliver effectively. Some of the most vocal proponents of sanctions are also profiting from the situation. Madrid-based Vima World SL, a major player in Cuba’s food industry, hired the Washington lobbying firm Continental Strategy, which is linked to Cuban-American allies of Rubio. This firm, known for representing clients opposed to Cuba’s one-party system, has advised companies like MasTec and American Sugar Refineries. Meanwhile, groups like the Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba are working to shape a post-communist Cuba by seeking private investment from Cuban exiles. These efforts are supported by lobbying firms and backed by substantial government funding, signaling a growing convergence of political and economic interests in shaping Cuba’s future.