The risks that social media pose to adolescents regarding their relationship with their bodies and eating habits are increasingly documented. A recent study explores how some young people develop strategies to avoid problematic content. The term "informational vulnerability" refers to situations where personal concerns intersect with a digital environment that exacerbates fragilities. Content related to food is pervasive on social media platforms, including posts like "What I Eat in a Day," healthy recipes, fitness challenges, and dramatic physical transformations. For many adolescents and young adults, social media has become a primary space for information about health, the body, and eating practices. According to Credoc, 58% of 12-17-year-olds consult digital platforms daily, and social media are among the main sources of information for 15-24-year-olds on these topics. This trend has raised concerns. A recent study by the Arcom, the regulator of audiovisual and digital communication, indicates that 49% of 11-17-year-olds have been exposed to content related to eating disorders. The National Agency for Food Safety (Anses) warns about the links between certain social media uses and the mental health of adolescents, noting that these phenomena involve complex and multifactorial mechanisms. However, the question remains: how do these contents actually influence young people? Based on the analysis of TikTok publications focused on the body and eating, combined with workshops with 14 young women undergoing treatment for anorexia nervosa, the research suggests moving beyond a view that opposes harmful content and vulnerable users. The study highlights what is termed "informational vulnerability," a situation in which certain individuals become particularly receptive to content that resonates with their concerns, fragilities, or personal questions. Social media do not function as simple spaces where users freely choose the content they consult. Platforms select, prioritize, and recommend content continuously. To understand what is actually offered to young users, researchers created several avatar accounts simulating the usage of a 16-year-old girl questioning her eating habits and body image. Over several months, they observed the content recommended by TikTok and compiled a representative corpus of 313 publications. The analysis reveals recurring discursive registers. The first concerns food control, including calorie counting, monitoring intake, strategies to reduce hunger, and popular formats such as "What I Eat in a Day." The second is about body transformation, through weight loss stories or "Before/After" photographs. Many contents explicitly associate thinness, well-being, success, or self-confidence. Eating disorders also appear in this digital environment, embedded in a broader set of discourses that value self-control and personal optimization while glossing over health issues related to illness. The most visible contents do not primarily disseminate knowledge about nutrition but rather stage lifestyles and body models, making food a lever for transformation and self-control. To complement the analysis of content recommended by TikTok and address reception issues, researchers conducted a series of five workshops with 14 young women aged 16 to 29 undergoing treatment for anorexia nervosa. Organized with care structures, these workshops aimed to understand how content related to food, the body, and health is received, interpreted, and integrated into individual journeys. Each session addressed a specific theme: mapping digital usage, analyzing encountered content, credibility criteria, body representations, and strategies for protection against perceived problematic content. Early results suggest that participants are not passive users. They are well aware of platform operations and spontaneously mention algorithms, recommendation bubbles, or mechanisms designed to capture their attention. Many of them easily identify problematic content, unrealistic promises, or simplified nutritional discourses. Some have even developed regulation strategies such as deleting apps, blocking accounts, unsubscribing, or limiting online time. However, this knowledge does not always suffice to protect them. Several participants admit continuing to consult content they consider harmful: "we know it's toxic, but we continue to watch," summarizes one of them. The workshops also show that social media are not only used to seek information. Participants also look for understanding, support, or recognition. Several explain that they place great trust in certain content creators because they have experienced similar situations. Credibility is thus built from lived experience and identification. These results lead to the mobilization of the concept of "informational vulnerability." Contrary to a common idea, the difficulties encountered on social media are not solely explained by a lack of critical thinking or the inability to distinguish reliable information from misleading information. The participants encountered are often fully aware of the limitations of the content they consult. Informational vulnerability appears when personal concerns meet a digital environment that gives them particular visibility. A teenager concerned about her weight, a young woman facing an eating disorder, or a young person seeking recognition will encounter different content and assign different meanings to it. Algorithms reinforce this dynamic. The more a user interacts with a type of content, the more it is recommended to them. Gradually, certain representations of the body, food, or health occupy an increasing place in their informational environment. The challenge is therefore not only about exposure to problematic content but also about the conditions under which this content becomes credible, desirable, or meaningful for certain audiences. This reflection invites a shift in perspective on young people. Rather than considering them as passive users or easily manipulable individuals, it seems more relevant to question the informational environments in which they evolve. Because social media do not merely disseminate information; they organize the visibility of certain narratives, certain bodies, and certain food norms. At a time when an increasing part of food socialization is constructed online, the challenge is not only to learn how to verify information or identify misleading content but also to understand how algorithms direct our attention, shape our representations, and influence what we consider desirable, normal, or desirable. These results highlight the importance of strengthening media and information literacy. However, they also remind us that digital uses cannot be considered independently of health issues. When social media contribute to the construction of relationships with the body, eating, or self-esteem, they become a full public health issue. Understanding informational vulnerabilities means recognizing that the risks do not reside solely in the contents themselves but in the encounter between technical devices, social norms, and individuals seeking references.