Three main political forces in the country remain the same as in 2021, but their positions have shifted significantly. Based on the 395 seats in the Chamber of Representatives, the final results announced by the Ministry of the Interior show that the PAM (97 seats) leads the Rally for Independence (RNI) (66), which has suffered a sanction vote. Istiqlal follows with 65 seats, then the Justice and Development Party (PJD) with 54, the Popular Movement (29), the Union for the Socialist Forces of the People (26), the Party of Progress and Socialism (19), and the Constitutional Union (17). The remaining 22 seats are distributed among six other parties. The hierarchy established in 2021 is now overturned. The RNI loses its first-place position (102 seats in 2021), while the PJD, which had fallen to 13 seats five years ago, regains strength in the political landscape. To better understand these results, it is necessary to consider the influence of the voting system, which functions as follows: a list-based direct universal suffrage, proportional representation in a single round, with blocked lists and according to the rule of the largest remainder. 305 seats are filled in 92 local constituencies and 90 in 12 regional constituencies. The electoral quotient is calculated based on registered voters, not those who actually voted. This mechanism tends to disperse the seats and limit the bonus for the dominant party, an effect even more pronounced when participation is low. A new feature of this election is that organic law No. 53.25 now reserves regional lists exclusively for female candidates. Abstention is the major political fact of the election: 38.02% participation, according to the Ministry of the Interior, or a little more than 6 million voters out of about 15.8 million registered voters. This is the lowest level since 2007 (37%). A government head appointed by the King from the PAM. Article 47 of the Constitution states that "the King appoints the Head of Government within the political party that came first in the elections for members of the Chamber of Representatives, and in view of their results." Two lessons emerge from this. On the one hand, the choice is linked to the party: the head of government must necessarily come from the PAM. On the other hand, the King retains freedom regarding the person: the Constitution does not impose the general secretary or even an elected deputy. No deadline is set by the text. The practice can be rapid: Abdelilah Benkirane was reappointed three days after the 2016 election, Aziz Akhannouch appointed two days after that of 2021. Until the new government is formed, the outgoing government will handle routine affairs. The appointment as head of government confers a mission on the designated person. This person must gather a majority and propose to the King the composition of the Government. Possible government coalitions. The confidence vote by the Chamber of Representatives requires an absolute majority of the members of the Chamber, that is 198 votes. With 97 seats, the PAM will need to rally at least 101 deputies, excluding the PJD, which has decided to sit in the opposition. Three scenarios emerge: Renewal of the outgoing majority (PAM, RNI, Istiqlal): 228 seats. This is a likely scenario, but it requires that the RNI accept moving from the leading position to that of a partner. Majority without the RNI (PAM, Istiqlal, MP, USFP): 217 seats. This would mark a clearer alternation by excluding the RNI, but would rely on a more heterogeneous ideological coalition. Majority without Istiqlal (PAM, RNI, MP, UC): 209 seats. The precedent of 2016-2017 recalls that the negotiation of the government coalition is not time-bound. After more than five months of blockage, the King acted on the failure of consultations by Abdelilah Benkirane and appointed Saadeddine El Othmani, another personality from the same party. The interpretation of Article 47 is therefore as follows. The failure of a personality leads to the appointment of another within the same party and not to turning to the second party. Practical implications. The budget calendar is the immediate point of vigilance. The draft finance law for 2027, largely prepared and shaped by the outgoing majority, must be submitted by no later than October 20. It will be carried by a freshly appointed government, under tight deadlines. Sectoral decisions will be determined by the coalition agreement. For political parties, two fronts open simultaneously: the negotiation of the majority agreement and the management of the electoral dispute.